Thursday, April 29, 2010

Editorial, CIVIL WAR, in 30 April 2010 issue of LAW ANIMATED WORLD.

CIVIL WAR
Justice Sri Krishna Bhindranwale KCR Telangana peasant fighters
certainly is not an ‘easy joke’ as Justice Sri Krishna tried to downplay the blackmailing threats of a regional don, also hinting that ‘people on the other side also have strong feelings’, but in the crazy atmosphere prevailing in our country today perhaps any such thing may not be an impossibility. Already a civil war situation is present and worsening in Chattisgarh, Jharkhand and a few other regions on the question of class oppression and tribal misery, in Kashmir and the north eastern regions on the issue of disputed national identities, etc. The question is rather one of necessity and desirability of threatening/taking recourse to such wild steps. There is no denying that apart from national, ethnic, linguistic, religious, etc. identities, regional identities also exist, and even yearn for exclusive efflorescence. However, just as ‘we the people’ want to subordinate such separate identities to that of the general identity prioritizing the ‘unity and integrity’ of the nation, such regional identities must also be subordinated to, their development can be harmoniously coordinated with, the existing bigger units of governance, especially so in the case of Andhra Pradesh, which, after all, is the dream-come-true of all the Telugu people, those of Telangana included. That there are substantial numbers of people here even in the present situation of raked up parochial passions who would like to continue the current united setup should not be overlooked and Bhindranwale-ist measures to undermine and suppress such noble feelings of unity and fraternity must in no wise be tolerated by liberal, democratic masses of the country. Heroic people of Telangana, who valiantly fought the Nizam monarchy and the feudal bondage with the marching song – “Telugu Talli Biddalam, Telangana veerulam, maatrudesamukti koraku poru salpa kadilinaam!” (We children of the Telugu Mother, Telangana fighters, are marching to struggle for liberation of the motherland!) – on their lips, would, in the end, surely, we desire and hope, opt for the continuance of the largely achieved unity ideal of the legendary Nizam Andhra Mahasabha leaders of the 1940-50s despite all threats and forces to the contrary 

Friday, April 16, 2010

Editorial, 'HUNTERS GET HUNTED' in Law Animated World, 15 April 2010 issue

HUNTERS GET HUNTED

Combatants – on which side? Bereaved family of a killed CRP A Maoist commander addresses tribal masses
That is what exactly happened in Dantewada on the fateful day of 6 April 2010. By all accounts it was a carefully planned ‘blitzkrieg’ by the Maoist fighters actively aided by local tribal militants. It was not an ambush of course but more than that – a heavy mobile war raid on three flanks of a poorly trained state force taken completely by surprise. And this occurred within days of our Home Minister Chidambaram denigrating the Maoists as cowards for their bloody attack on a police camp in Lalgarh, West Bengal. The Minister, however, was astute enough to find fault mainly with the State Government saying the buck stopped at the chief minister’s desk. Well, after this massacre, he admitted the buck now stopped directly at his desk since it was the CRPF that was involved and offered to resign even. Well, this attack is a part of the running civil war in Chattisgarh, Jharkhand and West Bengal tribal regions and we know civil war is the cruellest form of any war. The Government must have anticipated such deadly attacks and should have properly prepared for those but we see nothing but braggadocio from their side. The Maoists on the other hand may have to admit that it is not just the ‘green hunt’ but their ‘red hunt’ too is responsible for the ever worsening situation in those states. Ideals and ideologies no doubt look great or romantic but the baseline facts are that in those regions they carry but a Robin Hood image among certain or major sections of the downtrodden people and that by itself may not reach them to portals of power. This initial victory would certainly make them suffer a protracted encirclement and suppression campaign and now no wonder if the government openly says and acts, ‘all is fair in love and war’. The poor tribals will get sandwiched and ardent Maoist followers like the Gotti Koyas will face a hell. The poorly trained, ill equipped and ignorant, if not totally innocent, policemen will also face a hell and more may die due to lack of timely medical aid than to the Maoist bullets. How we wish both sides care more for their professed ideals than for the quest for power and pelf and sit across the table to talk than to shoot across the fields.

Friday, April 2, 2010

Article, TELANGANA: IS THERE REAL DISCRIMINATION? (2), in 15-31 March 2010 special issue of LAW ANIMATED WORLD

TELANGANA: IS THERE REAL DISCRIMINATION?
- Nalamotu Chakravarthy.
IRRIGATION

Now, let’s move on to the most controversial irrigation issue. You will see allegation after allegation by the separatists on how the other regions are misappropriating the projects while denying Nizam Telangana its rightful access to its own waters. I will address some of those issues in a bit, but let’s first look at the macro numbers and how the irrigation sector performed since the state’s formation.

Table 4 provides the gross area irrigated by region. Clearly, since the formation of the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh, the irrigation sector has developed the most in the Nizam Telangana region. While the Telangana region experienced a net growth of 191% ever since the state formation, Kosta and Rayalaseema experienced a relatively modest growth of 57% and 44%. Again, percentages can sometimes be misleading. Therefore, let’s look at the net incremental area brought under irrigation. Since the formation of the state, in Kosta, about 10.7 lakh additional hectares of land has been brought under irrigation, whereas in Telangana, 15.8 lakh hectares of new area came under irrigation.


The question that might cross one’s mind when looking at the irrigation data is whether the improvements in irrigated area translate into increased output in agriculture, which is money in the farmer’s pocket



In a study done by Andhra Pradesh Agricultural University, the Kosta region recorded 107% growth in agriculture production between 1956 and 1991, whereas the Nizam Telangana region recorded a 244% growth. Even in terms of additional tonnage since the state formation, Telangana leads Kosta. Table 5 provides these details.

One could argue that the net tonnage produced in Telangana is lower than that of Kosta. Although that is true, what we are trying to determine is whether the Telangana region suffered after the integrated state was formed. Growth in output of 244% makes it amply clear that Telangana grew at a far more rapid pace than the other regions since the state formation.


The devil is often in the details and the story of irrigation sector growth is incomplete without looking at the modes of irrigation, and they are canal irrigation, tank irrigation, tube well, and traditional well irrigation.

CANAL IRRIGATION:


This is one of the most controversial areas concerning regional differences existing today. Table 6 details how each region performed in this segment.

In his inflammatory paper, Professor Jayashankar references the canal irrigation numbers of 2001 showing the Telangana region as having a mere three lakh hectares under canal irrigation when Kosta has a whopping twelve lakh acres. The wily professor ‘selects’ 2001 data to trump up his hate-Andhra agenda. However, he conveniently forgets to mention the fact that the Kosta region had eleven lakh hectares under canal irrigation for more than 100 years before the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh was formed.


Let us now look at some unadulterated facts. The Nizam Telangana region experienced most growth of 144% in canal irrigation since the formation of the state. Even in terms of additional area brought under canal irrigation, nearly 1.6 lakh hectares of additional land was brought under canal irrigation in Nizam Telangana since the state formation, which is about equal to the combined total of Kosta and Rayalaseema. Lastly, Nizam Telangana does have a much smaller area under canal irrigation but that has more to do with geography than discrimination.


TANK IRRIGATION:

Before the mega irrigation projects, such as the Nagarjuna Sagar Dam, the Krishna-Godavari barrages, and the Sriramsagar project – arrived, tanks were a major water source for irrigation. Many tanks in our state, except for those near the twin cities, were developed during the Kakatiya and Vijayanagara rules. Particularly, the Kakatiya rulers gifted the Nizam Telangana region with an extensive network of tanks for irrigation purposes. There are at least 38 tanks of significance documented in the inscriptions from the Kakatiya period. By visiting Warangal and the surrounding areas, one can see the amazing tanks, such as the Ramappa and Pakala, built by the Kakatiyas nearly 800 years ago which continue to serve the public to this day.
So, what is the situation of tanks in the state today? It is abysmal!

Looking at Table7, one thing becomes clear – the Telangana region suffered immensely because of the neglect of tank maintenance. However, one cannot lose sight of the fact that the Rayalaseema region suffered an even steeper decline of a –79%, compared to Telangana’s –49% decline.


Tank irrigation is an excellent mode of irrigation. It is a low technology, low investment, low maintenance, environmentally friendly method of irrigation, and our people have effectively used it for many centuries. Failure of tanks is simply a failure on the government’s part. In the past, the local communities effectively administered tanks. Once the government intervened, the system failed miserably.


If Telangana’s separatist leaders are sincere about helping farmers, they should focus their efforts on developing tank irrigation in the region. Even if tank irrigation is restored to 1956 levels, we are looking at being able to provide water to nearly two lakh hectares of additional land.

TUBE WELLS AND OTHER WELLS

There has been spectacular growth in these two segments – in both the Nizam Telangana and the Rayalaseema regions. Because of lack of access to canal or tank water, farmers were forced to look into alternate sources of water. Bore-well drilling technology offered farmers the relief they were seeking.

Table 8 and Table 9 provide the details of growth in the tube well and other well categories.


Based on the macro irrigation data provided thus far, clearly, Nizam Telangana made significant strides in the agriculture sector. Saying that, one cannot deny that the Telangana region is agriculturally behind when compared to the Kosta region. Clearly, more work must be done to improve the agriculture sector in the Nizam Telangana districts. However, to claim discrimination as the reason for under-development is wrong. The irrigation sector in the Rayalaseema region, from where half of all our state’s CMs came from, is in a far worse situation than the Telangana region.

Now, let’s quickly get into some specific controversies surrounding the use of water resources in the state.


Andhra Pradesh is a blessed state with many natural resources – the primary one being the rivers. Of the three largest rivers in [South] India, two – the Krishna and the Godavari – flow through Andhra Pradesh. These two rivers and their tributaries meander through other states, enter Andhra Pradesh in the Nizam Telangana region, and pass through Kosta before merging into the Bay of Bengal.


Given India’s heavy reliance on agro-economy, water becomes a crucial resource. As one can expect, every state lays its claim on the river waters. Naturally, this leads to disputes among the states regarding each state’s rightful share of the river waters. In the 1960s, similar disputes arose among states for both the Krishna and Godavari River waters.


In 1969, the central government appointed a tribunal under the [chair of] Supreme Court Justice Bachawat to resolve the Krishna River water allocation dispute among the states of Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh. The Bachawat Tribunal studied river water allocation methods, both nationally and internationally. The commission particularly studied the American model as well as the international models. In the end, Bachawat relied on international law in developing a framework for resolving the river water dispute. This is how Bachawat summarized his core view: “In determining what is equitable utilization where existing and contemplated uses are in conflict, while other factors must be considered and weighed, the most important single factor is the preferred position of the existing use; thus, an existing use which is beneficial and not wasteful will ordinarily prevail over a contemplated use.”


In other words, Bachawat determined that the existing projects on the Krishna River should be given preference over the planned projects.


Bachawat then attempted to determine the quantity of available water in the River Krishna. After reviewing the data available from 1894 to 1969, the tribunal determined, based on 75% dependability, that the river has 2,060 TMC (thousand million cubic feet) of water. After four years of further study, Bachawat awarded 560 TMC of Krishna River water to Maharashtra, 700 TMC to Karnataka, and 800 TMC to Andhra Pradesh.


Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh have 26.81%, 43.74%, and 29.45% of the Krishna River catchment areas in their states. Maharashtra and Karnataka protested that the tribunal’s award was unfairly beneficial to Andhra Pradesh despite it having a smaller share of the catchment area and requested reconsideration.


Bachawat, while admitting that Andhra Pradesh received a larger share of the river water when compared to its catchment area, ruled against Maharashtra’s and Karnataka’s claims. He relied on the “protection of existing uses” principle in his ruling. This principle guaranteed water to existing projects such as the Nagarjun Sagar and Krishna Delta system.


Of the 800 TMC given to our state, Bachawat went ahead and recommended how much of the Krishna River water each project in Andhra Pradesh should get, details of which are provided in Table 10.
BACHAWAT TRIBUNAL KRISHNA RIVER WATERS AWARD: TABLE 10

According to the Bachawat award, Kosta gets 366 TMC, Rayalaseema 122 TMC, and Nizam Telangana gets 260 TMC of water from the River Krishna. Readers might have noticed that the water allocation does not add up to 800 TMC – the remaining water is retained as a provision for evaporation.


After settling the Krishna River dispute, the central government asked Bachawat to offer a similar solution to the Godavari River dispute among Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, and Andhra Pradesh. After another extensive study, the Bachawat Tribunal, in its final award in 1980, allocated 1,472.7 TMC of Godavari River water to Andhra Pradesh. Out of the 1,472 TMC available to our state, today, we are only using 514 TMC, and the rest flows into the ocean.

Interestingly, the Godavari River receives nearly 600 TMC of water almost at the tail end of the river. Even if Nizam Telangana manages to tap the Godavari River fully at higher altitudes of its region, it will not affect the Kosta farmer significantly.


With that primer on the Krishna and Godavari Rivers, let’s quickly jump into some of the claims made by the Telangana state proponents.


Professor Jayashankar writes in his paper: “Bachawat Tribunal allocated 811 TMC ft. of water to Andhra Pradesh. The allocation of water among different regions of the state, however, has been the prerogative of the state government. If catchment area is taken as the principal criterion for allocation of waters between different regions of the state, as is normally done between different states of the country, Telangana should get 68.5% of the 811 TMC ft. If cultivable area, rainfall, subsoil levels of water, backwardness, etc., also are taken into account Telangana region would be entitled to not less than 70% of the total quantum of water allocated to the state.”


Professor Jayashankar does not provide sources for his claims. Here are some real facts.


I took advantage of the recently passed Right to Information Act and formally requested the A.P. State Irrigation Department to provide data for Nagarjuna Sagar Dam water utilization for the last 10 years. Table 11 shows the annual outflows from the right and left canals of the Nagarjuna Sagar Dam.

Let me remind readers that the right canal water was awarded exclusively to the Kosta region, whereas 75% of the left canal water was allocated to the Nizam Telangana districts and the remaining 25% to the Kosta districts.


Not surprisingly, the numbers once again disprove Jayashankar’s claim that the Telangana region only gets 25% of the water. The left canal water is mostly used in the Telangana region, and the West Godavari district, which is at the tail end of the canal, rarely gets its share of water from the left canal.


The surplus water from Nagarjuna Sagar flows down to the Krishna Barrage. During drought years 2000-2005, the Kosta region did not get any Krishna River water from the Nizam Telangana area.


Not every claim made by the proponents of Telangana is false. For example, concerns about Rajolibanda water allocated to Telangana being misappropriated are valid. Worries about projects such as Singur being diverted to city’s drinking water purposes instead of irrigation is an important issue to consider. Concerns regarding sky-high investments being made into the Polavaram Project with questionable returns are worth serious consideration. Our leaders must sort out these issues through a democratic process, and demanding separation is not the solution.


If the separatist leaders are serious about helping the farmers of Nizam Telangana, they should:

1) Fight for effective use of the entire 366 TMC of Krishna water allocated to the Nizam Telangana region. Just eliminating seepage in the canals and removing silt from the reservoirs could dramatically improve canal water utility.


2) Similarly, productively use every drop of Godavari water awarded to the region.


3) Develop tank irrigation and at least restore it to a state where it was a few hundred years ago.

4) Fight against neighboring states illegally tapping water.


These simple non-controversial initiatives would dramatically improve the agriculture sector in Nizam Telangana and are relatively easy to accomplish. Instead, our separatist leaders obsess over neighboring Kosta region’s prosperity and neglect to look into ways to develop our own districts.
* * * * *
(to be continued)

Editorial, "Communal Cauldron', in the 15-31 March 2010 Martyrs Memorial special issue of LAW ANIMATED WORLD

The Communal Cauldron
seems to be ceaselessly seething in this subcontinent, even after the bloodcurdling partition of 1947 along religious lines and the subsequent adoption of a secular democratic constitutional framework in the major part of it. If the two nation theory has proved to be basically flawed and foul with the passage of time, neither the one nation theory works, even concerning the major part. The minor parts are still far from their respective one-nation ideals and the western unit is in real danger of break up due to its own fundamentalist and fissiparous tangles. The minor parts largely solved their problems with their minority community by decimating it to a negligible part in population and power structure both. But that could not be, as it was not intended to be, done here and it is generally recognized that the minority community here thrived enormously in population and considerably in prosperity also, despite the incessant allegations of their discrimination and backwardness. This of course is not to deny the presence of any such backwardness and discrimination altogether, but to point out that it is but a part of the general backwardness prevailing in the country, affecting even a bulk of the majority community, and the discrimination is more out of the insecurity, real and imaginary, felt by the majority community about the higher growth rate of minority population as also the unceasing illegal immigrations, especially from Bangladesh. This feeling of insecurity is exacerbated by the incendiary propaganda of fundamentalist forces among the majority community which gains ground and acceptance only because the governments at the helm do not seriously address and try meaningfully solve these problems affecting and also emanating from the minority community. Religion-based reservations have already done massive damage to the fabric of united India leading to its vivisection and we would only repent and be condemned to relive all that horror if such exercise is to be undertaken once again. However, the backward class criteria cut across religious denominations and so can be used to lift the really downtrodden sections of the minority community too. The insecurity regarding population growth and potentially subversive immigrations has to be firmly tackled by strictly banning such migrations, disenfranchising the existing illegal migrants and taking effective steps to deport most if not all of them to their homelands, as also by general amelioration measures.

Wednesday, March 3, 2010

Article, "Telangana: Is there real discrimination?", by Nalamotu Chakravarthy

TELANGANA: IS THERE REAL DISCRIMINATION?
- Nalamotu Chakravarthy
The separatist leaders of Telangana frequently claim that, since the integrated state’s formation, the region has suffered because of exploitation by the people from the Kosta region. No evidence proves Kosta region’s deliberate discrimination against Nizam Telangana. Saying that, from an economic standpoint, there is no denying that the Nizam Telangana region is marginally behind the Kosta region. The main reason for the region’s backwardness was the severe beating that the economy took under Nizam’s rule. Ever since the formation of the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh, the Nizam Telangana economy grew at a faster pace than Kosta or Rayalaseema. However, separatist leaders hide this fact to incite people of one region against the other. Instead of harnessing the strengths of each region, separatist leaders of Telangana demand parity in every aspect with the Kosta region, when there are variations in geographical constitution of these regions making parity across different sectors an impossible goal to achieve. The former Vice Chancellor of Kakatiya University, Professor Jayashankar, is often mentioned as the brains behind the separatist movement. He wrote a paper titled “Telangana Movement - The Demand for a Separate State” that is often cited by the Telangana proponents to make their case for a separate state. In this paper, Professor Jayashankar blatantly distorts facts to further his argument for a separate state. Herein I will present statistical data questioning the claims of separate state proponents. For this socio-economic analysis, I primarily focus on education, irrigation, industries, and financial sector data. I relied on statistical abstracts of Andhra Pradesh for the data presented in this chapter. When I relied on other sources of data,
I have provided explicit footnotes. To compare how each region performed since the state formation, I used data for the 1956 and 2001. 1956 was the year when the state was formed, and 2001 was the year when the last census data was collected. The Indian government publishes a census every 10 years, and I used the 2001 numbers as the most recent benchmark. Of course, 2011 census numbers, when they become available, will certainly offer a more telling story. In addition, as I present data for each region, where available, I offer a separate category for Nizam Telangana, excluding the city of Hyderabad. The capital city, Hyderabad, with its large population tends to skew the results of our analysis. I, therefore, tried to provide readers a perspective on how the Nizam Telangana districts perform economically when we exclude Hyderabad city. Without further ado, let us jump straight into the analysis that helps us understand how each region performed over the past 50 years.

EDUCATION

Let us start our analysis with the school education category, and Table 1 compares how each region performed relative to each other.

In 1956, when the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh was formed, for every 100 people in the Nizam Telangana region, 5 were in the school system. Compare that to 12 in Kosta and 10 in Rayalaseema. By 2001, the situation changed dramatically, with Telangana having 19 students for every 100 people in the school system, surpassing Kosta’s 16 and Rayalaseema’s 18.
Next, let us look at another category – graduate education. Table 2 provides the relative performance of each region since 1956.


Yet again, the Nizam Telangana region that was well behind the Kosta region in the number of graduate students has raced past the coastal regions. In 1956, for every 10,000 people, there were 19 degree college students in the Kosta region, whereas there were 10 in the Telangana region. Today, the situation is reversed. Telangana boasts of 64 degree students for every 10,000 people, surpassing Kosta’s 58.
Professor Jayashankar, in his paper, says: “…after 47 years (since the state formation) the literacy rate in Telangana continues to be lowest in the state.” To make his case, Professor Jayashankar presents the 2001 literacy rates. Table 3 provides the number of literates in each region.

As you can see, Nizam Telangana (excluding Hyderabad) has a 48% literacy rate, compared to 56% in Kosta & 53% in Rayalaseema. However, these numbers do not paint a complete picture. As of 2001, Telangana region had made significant strides in literacy. Despite initially being behind the other two regions, Telangana region attained a substantial 778% growth compared to the ~300% growth realized in the Kosta and the Rayalaseema regions. Percentages, in some cases, tend to exaggerate the growth rate. Let’s look at the absolute numbers. Between 1951 and 2001, Rayalaseema added 41 new literates for every 100 people, and Kosta region added 42 additional literates for every 100 people, whereas Telangana added 43 literates for every 100 people. There is no denying that Telangana is behind the other regions when it comes to the literacy rate. However, it is important to note that the legacy of a low literacy rate in the Telangana region goes back to the Nizam’s rule, when only 5 in 100 people could read or write. Clearly, the statistical data on education does not back up the claims of exploitation being trumpeted by the leaders of the separate Telangana movement. The key takeaway of this analysis is that the Nizam Telangana region, in education, is developing at par with the Kosta region, and despite it, intellectuals such as Professor Jayashankar will continue to find issues by cherry-picking the data supporting their fanatical agenda. (to be continued)
* * * * *






Editorial, 'NEED A PEOPLE'S BUDGET' in 28 February 2010 issue of LAW ANIMATED WORLD

NEED A PEOPLE’S BUDGET

The so-called budget for the Aam Aadmi presented with much fanfare by our Bengali Babu unfortunately has but little the common man can derive solace from. Truly, as the FM said, the budget is primarily a political document – an attempt at implementation of the political ideology of the ruling class. And that is but the continuation of Manmohanomics which started in our country since 1989 at the least. We find a lot of care and concentration to the needs and aspirations of the corporate and elite sectors but only eye-wash allocations for the development of the really needy ‘dumb millions’. While avowedly capitalist countries like the US, UK, European Community and even the ‘Asian Tigers’ allot so much of state funds to education and public health, it is shameful that we spend so little on these crucial sectors. The public education system is virtually in shambles with a go-by given to the neighborhood schools concept and blatant encouragement of private schools and colleges that gulp billions of hard earned savings of the middle and still lower classes in the country for a doubtful standard of education which never focuses on service and welfare of the people. For instance, out of the planned expenditure outlay of Rs. 3.73 lakh crores a mere Rs. 31,036 crores (less than 1%) has been allocated for school education in a country which can boast of more than 300 million illiterates. And a mere Rs. 22, 300 crores allocated for public health, in a country where street dogs freely roam in prime government hospitals and common people are fleeced by all strata of government employees to the verge of starvation and death. Instead of the virtues of compassion and public service, the get-rich-quick-at-any-cost mentality is being officially and even socially encouraged and the current LPG economy models are only worsening the mess. Unless real people’s budgets taxing the rich more and redistributing wealth with lion’s share in allocations to public education, public health and development of the rural and urban poor are submitted, and implemented in earnest, our Constitution with its noble ideals of justice – social, economic and political – would remain but a parchment, not worth a toilet paper even. 

Thursday, February 25, 2010

Editorial, 'POLICING THE STUDENTS' in 15 February 2010 issue of LAW ANIMATED WORLD, Vol. 6, No. 3

POLICING THE STUDENTS


is invariably a delicate, thankless and generally undesirable job as the lessons distilled from experiences all over the world demonstrate. And student movements have not been confined to mere academic or sectional problems but have been intervening in, and even triggering, various people’s movements, at times political revolutions too. The establishment parties and conservative groups generally, save when it suits their convenience, sermonize against students participating in politics but we were never attracted by that insipidity. Moreover, nowadays bulk of the university students are fully-eligible-to-vote citizens and it would not be proper or advisable in the interests of society to bar them from participation in politics in the name of exclusive priority to their academic careers. Then the logical corollary, of course, would be that just like any citizen a student can also be not immune to application/operation of law and intervention of law enforcing agencies. True, but at the same time there is another crucial aspect here that by custom, by convention and by ethics it is generally recognized that institutions of learning are akin to temples of education and have to be kept as free as possible from any outside intervention. Security and law and order problems are bound to crop up in the course of various students movements but to properly tackle those is best left to the discretion and wisdom of the teaching and governing staff of the universities and institutions concerned. Particularly the autonomy of the universities must be reverently preserved and promoted. An internal security force may be set up by the university authorities themselves to deal with any undesirable offensive activities but until and unless all persuasion and internal monitoring fails and, throwing their hands up, the university authorities specifically request the police to intervene [e.g. recent instance of the police cleaning up the main auditorium of the Vienna University which was under 2 months occupation by the students – actually out of 100 cleared only 15 turned out to be students and others homeless outsiders – on the request of the Principal concerned], it must normally be a ‘hands off’ policy for the police vis-à-vis student campuses. 